What predicts social and behavior change: Role of personal beliefs and social norms for FGM abandonment
Summary:
Female genital mutilation (FGM) is the procedure of intentionally altering or causing injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons. However, more than 200 million girls and women have undergone the procedure and it is internationally recognized as a violation of human rights. In order to shift social norms embedded in societies perpetuating FGM, it is essential to use a socioecological approach that involves not just the affected individuals but their social networks and communities. This presentation explores the interaction between personal beliefs and social norms on cutting behavior by using quantitative data collected from a pilot study conducted in three regions of Ethiopia. Structured interviews (n = 1146) were conducted with adolescent girls aged 10-19 (N=120), their caregivers (N=120). In addition, social network contacts (N=641), and community influentials (N=265) identified by the girls and their primary caregiver were also interviewed. The results indicated the relationship between cutting and key socio-demographic factors. Overall, the odds of an individual being cut was higher if they exhibited traditional personal beliefs, determined FGM was part of their identity, was healthy, and established control over women/girls. The odds of an individual being cut was also significantly higher if they wanted to continue FGM, believed others wanted to continue FGM, and believed others expected them to continue FGM. Norms were better predictors than personal beliefs. This also shows that negative personal beliefs and norms are related. Ongoing research is still uncovering the relationships between norms and beliefs.
Background/Objectives:
Female genital mutilation includes any procedures that intentionally alter or cause injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons. Currently, more than 200 million girls and women have been cut in 30 different countries, mainly concentrated in Africa and the Middle East. In order to shift social norms surrounding FGM, a socioecological approach is crucial as it focuses on not only the individual, but other key players surrounding the individual in their social networks and communities. This presentation explores the interrelationships between personal beliefs and perceived descriptive and injunctive social norms, and how they relate to FGM behavior.
Description of Intervention and/or Methods/Design:
The data was collected as part of a validation study to examine the effectiveness of SBCC approaches using social norms to address FGM. Structured interviews were conducted in urban and rural areas of three regions in Ethiopia (Addis Ababa, Afar, and SNNP). This cross-sectional, mixed-methods study was conducted with a total of 1146 quantitative interviews, 24 focus group discussions (FGDs), and 36 in-depth interviews (IDIs) from August to September 2019. For the quantitative interviews, a total of 120 adolescent girls aged 10-19, and 120 caregivers were interviewed. Additionally, the adolescent girls and their caregivers identified 641 social network contacts and 265 community influentials, who were also interviewed. Statistical analysis that consisted of descriptive statistics, factor analysis, bivariate analysis, and multivariate analysis was conducted to examine the relationship between personal beliefs, injunctive and descriptive norms and experiences with FGM for self or someone in their immediate family.
Results/Lessons Learned:
Results indicate that 56% of respondents had been cut or had a daughter/immediate family member who was cut. Personal beliefs were measured with 39 questions five-point scale. Four categories of personal beliefs (gender and power, health, identity, and cultural tradition) were isolated, based on factor analysis and adequate Chronbach's alpha scores. Norms measures included perceived prevalence (descriptive norms), perceived community behaviors, and community expectations (injunctive norms). Multivariate logistic regression analysis indicated that FGM was significantly related to gender, age, religion (Muslim), and region. Bivariate odds of a respondent reporting experience with cutting decreased significantly with increasing levels of positive beliefs. Respondents without personal experiences of cutting displayed significantly more positive levels of descriptive norms (Self-approval OR=5.3; Perceptions of others' approval OR=5.6). Similarly, injunctive norms (beliefs that others' expected the respondents to engage in cutting) were significantly more positive among respondents reporting no personal experience with cutting (OR=5.6).
Discussion/Implications for the Field:
The SBCC field is grappling with distinct measurements of norms and beliefs as personal beliefs are often conflated with social norms. These results showed that personal beliefs and social norms are separate constructs. The odds of being cut were significantly associated with negative beliefs around abandonment. At the same time, positive descriptive and injunctive norms around abandonment displayed significantly higher odds of respondents having no direct or indirect personal experience with FGM. This research supports the view that individual beliefs cannot be aggregated as a proxy measure for societal norms.
Abstract submitted by:
Maho Okumura - Drexel University
Suruchi Sood - Drexel University
Female genital mutilation (FGM) is the procedure of intentionally altering or causing injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons. However, more than 200 million girls and women have undergone the procedure and it is internationally recognized as a violation of human rights. In order to shift social norms embedded in societies perpetuating FGM, it is essential to use a socioecological approach that involves not just the affected individuals but their social networks and communities. This presentation explores the interaction between personal beliefs and social norms on cutting behavior by using quantitative data collected from a pilot study conducted in three regions of Ethiopia. Structured interviews (n = 1146) were conducted with adolescent girls aged 10-19 (N=120), their caregivers (N=120). In addition, social network contacts (N=641), and community influentials (N=265) identified by the girls and their primary caregiver were also interviewed. The results indicated the relationship between cutting and key socio-demographic factors. Overall, the odds of an individual being cut was higher if they exhibited traditional personal beliefs, determined FGM was part of their identity, was healthy, and established control over women/girls. The odds of an individual being cut was also significantly higher if they wanted to continue FGM, believed others wanted to continue FGM, and believed others expected them to continue FGM. Norms were better predictors than personal beliefs. This also shows that negative personal beliefs and norms are related. Ongoing research is still uncovering the relationships between norms and beliefs.
Background/Objectives:
Female genital mutilation includes any procedures that intentionally alter or cause injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons. Currently, more than 200 million girls and women have been cut in 30 different countries, mainly concentrated in Africa and the Middle East. In order to shift social norms surrounding FGM, a socioecological approach is crucial as it focuses on not only the individual, but other key players surrounding the individual in their social networks and communities. This presentation explores the interrelationships between personal beliefs and perceived descriptive and injunctive social norms, and how they relate to FGM behavior.
Description of Intervention and/or Methods/Design:
The data was collected as part of a validation study to examine the effectiveness of SBCC approaches using social norms to address FGM. Structured interviews were conducted in urban and rural areas of three regions in Ethiopia (Addis Ababa, Afar, and SNNP). This cross-sectional, mixed-methods study was conducted with a total of 1146 quantitative interviews, 24 focus group discussions (FGDs), and 36 in-depth interviews (IDIs) from August to September 2019. For the quantitative interviews, a total of 120 adolescent girls aged 10-19, and 120 caregivers were interviewed. Additionally, the adolescent girls and their caregivers identified 641 social network contacts and 265 community influentials, who were also interviewed. Statistical analysis that consisted of descriptive statistics, factor analysis, bivariate analysis, and multivariate analysis was conducted to examine the relationship between personal beliefs, injunctive and descriptive norms and experiences with FGM for self or someone in their immediate family.
Results/Lessons Learned:
Results indicate that 56% of respondents had been cut or had a daughter/immediate family member who was cut. Personal beliefs were measured with 39 questions five-point scale. Four categories of personal beliefs (gender and power, health, identity, and cultural tradition) were isolated, based on factor analysis and adequate Chronbach's alpha scores. Norms measures included perceived prevalence (descriptive norms), perceived community behaviors, and community expectations (injunctive norms). Multivariate logistic regression analysis indicated that FGM was significantly related to gender, age, religion (Muslim), and region. Bivariate odds of a respondent reporting experience with cutting decreased significantly with increasing levels of positive beliefs. Respondents without personal experiences of cutting displayed significantly more positive levels of descriptive norms (Self-approval OR=5.3; Perceptions of others' approval OR=5.6). Similarly, injunctive norms (beliefs that others' expected the respondents to engage in cutting) were significantly more positive among respondents reporting no personal experience with cutting (OR=5.6).
Discussion/Implications for the Field:
The SBCC field is grappling with distinct measurements of norms and beliefs as personal beliefs are often conflated with social norms. These results showed that personal beliefs and social norms are separate constructs. The odds of being cut were significantly associated with negative beliefs around abandonment. At the same time, positive descriptive and injunctive norms around abandonment displayed significantly higher odds of respondents having no direct or indirect personal experience with FGM. This research supports the view that individual beliefs cannot be aggregated as a proxy measure for societal norms.
Abstract submitted by:
Maho Okumura - Drexel University
Suruchi Sood - Drexel University
Source
Approved abstract for the postponed 2020 SBCC Summit in Marrakech, Morocco. Provided by the International Steering Committee for the Summit. Image credit: © UNICEF Ethiopia /2018/Tadesse via Flickr (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)