After the Revolution: What Do Libyans and Tunisians Believe about their Media?

"What do the people of Libya and Tunisia believe about their media after the Arab Spring? What opinions do audiences in the two countries share, what are the differences between them and what information sources do they trust? This briefing shares findings from BBC Media Action’s research on these questions, which was among the first conducted after the two countries’ 2011 revolutions."

This research briefing from BBC Media Action is intended to summarise and draw insights from two sets of audience research conducted in 2013 and 2014. [See Related Summaries below for summary of the working paper and report from which this is drawn.]

The pre-2011 media landscape in Tunisia consisted of two state TV channels and two large private channels, then linked to the governing family of Tunisia. Libya had a state TV channel set up by then-president Gaddafi and a private channel founded by his son. After the Arab Spring deposed governments, private channels associated with opposition political factions sprang up. In Libya, pro- and anti-Islamists have split the Al‑Wataniya channel in Tripoli. "At the time of writing, al‑Rasmiya, also in the hands of a pro‑Islamist militia, was also taken off the air by the authorities in Tobruk. It has a rival feed from the east, which is dominated by the House of Representatives. Freedom House now categorises Libya’s media as 'not free'..." Tunisia's state television was renamed "Watania 1 and 2 and there are now nine radio stations. Tunisia’s media landscape "'remains in transition' according to Freedom House, an organisation that monitors freedom of expression around the world." This is due to the existence of one of two independent regulatory bodies in the Arab world being Tunisia's Independent High Authority for Audio-visual Communication (the HAICA). That said, pre-revolutionary laws, allowing prosecution of journalists and bloggers, have not been amended.

Research methodology included focus group interviews in the Libyan cities of Tripoli, Benghazi, and Misrata and throughout Tunisia, and national surveys were conducted in both countries. Results suggest:

• Libya: 
• "One in three people strongly trusted - and 73% had some trust in -  al‑Wataniya, the state broadcaster", though some found it pro-government, and "78% thought there should be a government-funded national broadcaster." In focus groups, "[t]he desire for honest and truthful news conflicted with the fear of the negative impact of covering particular topics....BASE: Respondents who reported watching television - BBC Arabic (2,750), al‑Jazeera (3,028), Libya al‑Ahrar (2,969), Libya al‑Hurra (2,944), al‑Wataniya (2,902). A chart on page 6 shows levels of trust and distrust - most trusted is the state channel; most divided are the two international channels.
• Use of the media:
• TV and radio - 99% have a satellite TV; 76% reported everyday viewing; the state broadcaster is most viewed; 74% cite television as their main source of information; 58% have a radio; 37% listen every day; 45% of men listen daily compared to 25% of women; 4% cite radio as their main source of information.
• Internet and social media - 32% use the internet regularly; 10% use international websites for information; 26% of Libyans have a Facebook account (58% of all those who have access to the internet); 52% who have a Facebook account spend time on it reading Libyan national news. 
• Family and friends - 7% named family and friends as their main source of information, but they are important supplementary sources of information. 
• Tunisia: 
• "[N]o media source was widely trusted, with all TV channels seen as having political agendas based on their funders’ politics." Private channels were most trusted (62% and 56% with state TV receiving 55% and 53% trust). "Friends and family were the most trusted news source, at 77%. Some people trusted the internet and social media because it was seen as being created by ordinary citizens and it was used to cross-check the TV news." (See chart on page 8.) "Fifty-five per cent of Tunisians agreed that traditional media (TV, radio, newspapers, etc.) was important in holding leaders to account and 51% also thought that social media should do this." Confidence that this was occurring in state media was low. However, audiences want media to provide solutions rather than just highlight problems, wanting:
• "Media to provide a platform for national dialogue. 
• Ordinary people to have a voice through the media
• Media to pass on information and raise awareness"
• Use of media: 
• Television and radio - 99% have at least one television and satellite device; 88% watch once a day; private channel Ettounsiya is the most popular, due to entertainment focus; 83% cite television as a source for information on politics and current affairs; 77% of households own a radio; 56% listen daily; and 34% cite radio as a source for information on politics and current affairs.
• Internet and social media - 30% used the internet “today or yesterday”; 42% within the last 12 months; 60% access it daily; 80% use social media sites; 27% access Facebook daily; 53% receive news, information, and opinions through it.
• Friends and family - 50% cite friends as a source of information on politics and current affairs; 43% mention family as a source.

The findings, in summary, suggest that Libyans and Tunisians are turning to social media due to TV and radio representing political and private interests. State broadcasters remain important information sources, and both countries' audiences hope to have media lead discussions of solutions, not simply problems. Both audiences are looking for programme makers to explore producing solutions-focused programming - while views and opinions may possibly be expressed in Tunisia, in Libya, an indirect approach like drama may be a better stimulation for discussion.